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The Guns of August: The Pulitzer Prize-Winning Classic About the Outbreak of World War I Poche – 3 août 2004
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Selected by the Modern Library as one of the 100 best nonfiction books of all time
In this landmark account, renowned historian Barbara W. Tuchman re-creates the first month of World War I: thirty days in the summer of 1914 that determined the course of the conflict, the century, and ultimately our present world. Beginning with the funeral of Edward VII, Tuchman traces each step that led to the inevitable clash. And inevitable it was, with all sides plotting their war for a generation. Dizzyingly comprehensive and spectacularly portrayed with her famous talent for evoking the characters of the war’s key players, Tuchman’s magnum opus is a classic for the ages.
The Proud Tower, the Pulitzer Prize–winning The Guns of August, and The Zimmermann Telegram comprise Barbara W. Tuchman’s classic histories of the First World War era
- Nombre de pages de l'édition imprimée640 pages
- LangueAnglais
- ÉditeurPresidio Press
- Date de publication3 août 2004
- Dimensions10.54 x 2.46 x 17.45 cm
- ISBN-100345476093
- ISBN-13978-0345476098
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A Funeral
So gorgeous was the spectacle on the May morning of 1910 when nine kings rode in the funeral of Edward VII of England that the crowd, waiting in hushed and black-clad awe, could not keep back gasps of admiration. In scarlet and blue and green and purple, three by three the sovereigns rode through the palace gates, with plumed helmets, gold braid, crimson sashes, and jeweled orders flashing in the sun. After them came five heirs apparent, forty more imperial or royal highnesses, seven queens—four dowager and three regnant—and a scattering of special ambassadors from uncrowned countries. Together they represented seventy nations in the greatest assemblage of royalty and rank ever gathered in one place and, of its kind, the last. The muffled tongue of Big Ben tolled nine by the clock as the cortege left the palace, but on history’s clock it was sunset, and the sun of the old world was setting in a dying blaze of splendor never to be seen again.
In the center of the front row rode the new king, George V, flanked on his left by the Duke of Connaught, the late king’s only surviving brother, and on his right by a personage to whom, acknowledged The Times, “belongs the first place among all the foreign mourners,” who “even when relations are most strained has never lost his popularity amongst us”—William II, the German Emperor. Mounted on a gray horse, wearing the scarlet uniform of a British Field Marshal, carrying the baton of that rank, the Kaiser had composed his features behind the famous upturned mustache in an expression “grave even to severity.” Of the several emotions churning his susceptible breast, some hints exist in his letters. “I am proud to call this place my home and to be a member of this royal family,” he wrote home after spending the night in Windsor Castle in the former apartments of his mother. Sentiment and nostalgia induced by these melancholy occasions with his English relatives jostled with pride in his supremacy among the assembled potentates and with a fierce relish in the disappearance of his uncle from the European scene. He had come to bury Edward his bane; Edward the arch plotter, as William conceived it, of Germany’s encirclement; Edward his mother’s brother whom he could neither bully nor impress, whose fat figure cast a shadow between Germany and the sun. “He is Satan. You cannot imagine what a Satan he is!”
This verdict, announced by the Kaiser before a dinner of three hundred guests in Berlin in 1907, was occasioned by one of Edward’s continental tours undertaken with clearly diabolical designs at encirclement. He had spent a provocative week in Paris, visited for no good reason the King of Spain (who had just married his niece), and finished with a visit to the King of Italy with obvious intent to seduce him from his Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria. The Kaiser, possessor of the least inhibited tongue in Europe, had worked himself into a frenzy ending in another of those comments that had periodically over the past twenty years of his reign shattered the nerves of diplomats.
Happily the Encircler was now dead and replaced by George who, the Kaiser told Theodore Roosevelt a few days before the funeral, was “a very nice boy” (of forty-five, six years younger than the Kaiser). “He is a thorough Englishman and hates all foreigners but I do not mind that as long as he does not hate Germans more than other foreigners.” Alongside George, William now rode confidently, saluting as he passed the regimental colors of the 1st Royal Dragoons of which he was honorary colonel. Once he had distributed photographs of himself wearing their uniform with the Delphic inscription written above his signature, “I bide my time.” Today his time had come; he was supreme in Europe.
Behind him rode the widowed Queen Alexandra’s two brothers, King Frederick of Denmark and King George of the Hellenes; her nephew, King Haakon of Norway; and three kings who were to lose their thrones: Alfonso of Spain, Manuel of Portugal and, wearing a silk turban, King Ferdinand of Bulgaria who annoyed his fellow sovereigns by calling himself Czar and kept in a chest a Byzantine Emperor’s full regalia, acquired from a theatrical costumer, against the day when he should reassemble the Byzantine dominions beneath his scepter.
Dazzled by these “splendidly mounted princes,” as The Times called them, few observers had eyes for the ninth king, the only one among them who was to achieve greatness as a man. Despite his great height and perfect horsemanship, Albert, King of the Belgians, who disliked the pomp of royal ceremony, contrived in that company to look both embarrassed and absentminded. He was then thirty-five and had been on the throne barely a year. In later years when his face became known to the world as a symbol of heroism and tragedy, it still always wore that abstracted look, as if his mind were on something else.
The future source of tragedy, tall, corpulent, and corseted, with green plumes waving from his helmet, Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, heir of the old Emperor Franz Josef, rode on Albert’s right, and on his left another scion who would never reach his throne, Prince Yussuf, heir of the Sultan of Turkey. After the kings came the royal highnesses: Prince Fushimi, brother of the Emperor of Japan; Grand Duke Michael, brother of the Czar of Russia; the Duke of Aosta in bright blue with green plumes, brother of the King of Italy; Prince Carl, brother of the King of Sweden; Prince Henry, consort of the Queen of Holland; and the Crown Princes of Serbia, Rumania, and Montenegro. The last named, Prince Danilo, “an amiable, extremely handsome young man of delightful manners,” resembled the Merry Widow’s lover in more than name, for, to the consternation of British functionaries, he had arrived the night before accompanied by a “charming young lady of great personal attractions” whom he introduced as his wife’s lady in waiting with the explanation that she had come to London to do some shopping.
A regiment of minor German royalty followed: rulers of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Waldeck-Pyrmont, Saxe-Coburg Gotha, of Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg, Baden, and Bavaria, of whom the last, Crown Prince Rupprecht, was soon to lead a German army in battle. There were a Prince of Siam, a Prince of Persia, five princes of the former French royal house of Orléans, a brother of the Khedive of Egypt wearing a gold-tasseled fez, Prince Tsia-tao of China in an embroidered light-blue gown whose ancient dynasty had two more years to run, and the Kaiser’s brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, representing the German Navy, of which he was Commander in Chief. Amid all this magnificence were three civilian-coated gentlemen, M. Gaston-Carlin of Switzerland, M. Pichon, Foreign Minister of France, and former President Theodore Roosevelt, special envoy of the United States.
Edward, the object of this unprecedented gathering of nations, was often called the “Uncle of Europe,” a title which, insofar as Europe’s ruling houses were meant, could be taken literally. He was the uncle not only of Kaiser Wilhelm but also, through his wife’s sister, the Dowager Empress Marie of Russia, of Czar Nicolas II. His own niece Alix was the Czarina; his daughter Maud was Queen of Norway; another niece, Ena, was Queen of Spain; a third niece, Marie, was soon to be Queen of Rumania. The Danish family of his wife, besides occupying the throne of Denmark, had mothered the Czar of Russia and supplied kings to Greece and Norway. Other relatives, the progeny at various removes of Queen Victoria’s nine sons and daughters, were scattered in abundance throughout the courts of Europe.
Yet not family feeling alone nor even the suddenness and shock of Edward’s death—for to public knowledge he had been ill one day and dead the next—accounted for the unexpected flood of condolences at his passing. It was in fact a tribute to Edward’s great gifts as a sociable king which had proved invaluable to his country. In the nine short years of his reign England’s splendid isolation had given way, under pressure, to a series of “understandings” or attachments, but not quite alliances—for England dislikes the definitive—with two old enemies, France and Russia, and one promising new power, Japan. The resulting shift in balance registered itself around the world and affected every state’s relations with every other. Though Edward neither initiated nor influenced his country’s policy, his personal diplomacy helped to make the change possible.
Taken as a child to visit France, he had said to Napoleon III: “You have a nice country. I would like to be your son.” This preference for things French, in contrast to or perhaps in protest against his mother’s for the Germanic, lasted, and after her death was put to use. When England, growing edgy over the challenge implicit in Germany’s Naval Program of 1900, decided to patch up old quarrels with France, Edward’s talents as Roi Charmeur smoothed the way. In 1903 he went to Paris, disregarding advice that an official state visit would find a cold welcome. On his arrival the crowds were sullen and silent except for a few taunting cries of “Vivent les Boers!” and “Vive Fashoda!” which the King ignored. To a worried aide who muttered, “The French don’t like us,” he replied, “Why should they?” and continued bowing and smiling from his carriage.
Revue de presse
“More dramatic than fiction . . . a magnificent narrative—beautifully organized, elegantly phrased, skillfully paced and sustained.”—Chicago Tribune
“A fine demonstration that with sufficient art rather specialized history can be raised to the level of literature.”—The New York Times
“[The Guns of August] has a vitality that transcends its narrative virtues, which are considerable, and its feel for characterizations, which is excellent.”—The Wall Street Journal
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Détails sur le produit
- Éditeur : Presidio Press
- Date de publication : 3 août 2004
- Édition : Reissue
- Langue : Anglais
- Nombre de pages de l'édition imprimée : 640 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0345476093
- ISBN-13 : 978-0345476098
- Poids de l'article : 318 g
- Dimensions : 10.54 x 2.46 x 17.45 cm
- Fait partie de la série : Great War Series
- Classement des meilleures ventes d'Amazon : 276 en Encyclopédies et dictionnaires de l'histoire
- 3 318 en 20e siècle
- 15 549 en Histoire et actualité mondiale (Livres)
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- Avis laissé en France le 5 janvier 2016Seule une étrangère américaine, tant historienne que psychologue pouvait mettre à nue les raisons profondes de la guerre, jeux de pouvoir entre les hommes d'influence.
Ainsi, Barbara Tuchman explique comment Gallieni a réussi à convaincre Joffre de lancer la bataille de la Marne.
Les armées françaises battaient en retraite et la France semblait avoir déjà perdu. Joffre, improbable chef d'état-major des armées, était devenu ingérable, il refusait tant l'autorité du Président de la République Poincaré que la coopération avec les alliés Anglais dirigés par le général French. Sans vision stratégique, mais jaloux de préserver son autorité, Joffre venait de démissionner le général Castelnau qui grâce à son dévouement et sa lucidité avait sauvé les armées françaises d'un encerclement par les armées Allemandes.
Joffre avait décidé de livrer Paris aux Allemands en la déclarant ville ouverte.
Dans ce contexte, un seul homme, le général Gallieni, investi d'aucun pouvoir, mais doté de l'autorité morale d'ancien supérieur de Joffre pouvait le ramener à la raison et rallier français et anglais à son plan de bataille de la Marne.
Autre exemple passionnant, quand Barbara Tuchman, reprend les discours politiques et les débats à l'origine de la décision d'entrée en guerre du Royaume-Uni. A chaque fois Barbara Tuchman replace le lecteur au coeur de l'histoire au centre des débats, des échanges et des grands discours politiques à l'origine des décisions majeures. Replacé au centre des lieux de décision, le lecteur revit l'histoire.
- Avis laissé en France le 28 mars 2023Passionnant ! Fourmille de détails, on est complètement pris dans l'ambiance terrible de ce premier mois de guerre.
- Avis laissé en France le 15 décembre 2013This is a full historical account of the precipitous early days of the Great War, which achieves the near impossible by being a compelling read. This particular print run is very disappointing in that the maps are appalling, terrible quality, monocolour and sometimes shown on a doouble page so that what one wants to see is in the binding. You must read this book, but find a better version. One can't imagine that the author would have let this be offered for sale, were she still living.
- Avis laissé en France le 26 février 2015If there is a better book about World War 1 it has yet to be written. Both academic and entertaining.
- Avis laissé en France le 31 mars 2011as i was looking for information about the 1st month of WW1, it IS the book i had to read !
Meilleurs commentaires provenant d’autres pays
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LoumAvis laissé en Australie le 11 novembre 2024
5,0 sur 5 étoiles Can’t put it down
If you want to know a little bit of history but not just the dry bits then this is a great book. There is an incredible amount of detail - skim over the bits that aren’t as interesting to get an over all picture of the mood of the times
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hihowsitgoinAvis laissé en Allemagne le 31 octobre 2024
5,0 sur 5 étoiles Exquisitely bound
The binding was exquisite done. Looks like a collector’s item.
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Greg SmithAvis laissé au Canada le 24 avril 2024
5,0 sur 5 étoiles What really started WW1
One of the best history books I have read and it exposes the real truth of the start of WW1.A must read if you like history!
Well put together and hard to put down.
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PSVAvis laissé au Mexique le 24 octobre 2022
5,0 sur 5 étoiles Excelente
Como todas las obras de Barbara, extraordinariamente bien documentado. Tal vez su mejor libro. Al menos de los que he leído.
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JHAvis laissé aux États-Unis le 12 juin 2013
5,0 sur 5 étoiles 1914: The Start of the Great War
Barbara Tuchman provides a vivid picture of the prelude to war in The Guns of August. She explores the leaders of the major powers and their actions years before the war. She discusses Kaiser Wilhelm II's expansionist rhetoric, his split with Bismarck, and his diplomatic ineptness in the face of opposition. Tuchman discusses the war plans for Germany (the Schlieffen Plan), France (Plan XVII), England, and Russia. She discusses the cooperation of French and English War Departments planning for German attack on France.
Tuchman focuses on events leading up to 1914 that hardened the combatants to their respective sides. She explores the French/German conflict in Alsace-Lorraine. She explains the French preoccupation with the offensive. She outlines the military leadership of France. She also discusses the inadequateness of Russia for war. With corrupt civil and military government, advancement of officers not based on merit, and the Minister of War that did not believe in modern warfare, Russia finds itself unready for war. Tuchman also elaborates on collaboration of France and England. She explains the difficulty of England in stating its position and declaring war.
However, Tuchman pays no attention to the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to Austrian-Hungarian Empire, and Serbian conflict other than noting its occurrence. In my opinion, she misjudges the motivations of the empire. If the vice president of the United States or heir to the English Crown was assassinated by a foreign power, war would have resulted. Tuchman's fails to deliver the diplomatic exchanges between Austria, Serbia, and Russia. I would recommend John Keegan's The First World War for a more thorough account of these events.
Tuchman coverage of war as it unfolds is masterful. She writes about the actions of the German capital ships Goeben and Breslau in the Mediterranean and their assistance in causing the Ottoman Empire to enter the war. Tuchman then writes of the opening actions of the Western front. She describes the destructive advance of the German army through Belgium. She tells us of the defiant Belgian defense against the Germans. She details the brutal reprisals perpetrated by the Germans on the Belgian populous. German savagery in Belgium and France serves as a prelude to the atrocities carried out by Germans in the second World War. It shows that the German military was already conditioned for cruelty before Hitler came to power.
The author shows evidence of the French ignoring the warning signs about the strength of the German right wing in pursuit of their own offensive following Plan XVII. Tuchman describes the Battle of the Frontiers with the French assaults in the South that were blunted, and the successful counterattack by the Germans. She discusses the lack of coordination between the British and French armies and General Lanrezac's efforts to defend the French left wing. Tuchman writes of the French retreat after the Battle of the Frontiers and sets the scene for the Battle of the Marne. She doesn't actually describe this Battle of the Marne or the details of the outcome. But, Tuchman successfully describes what led up to the German failure to complete their victorious drive into France. She discusses the failure of plans and the pressure to change plans in the face of perceived enemy action and status.
Tuchman also follows the Battle of Tannenberg. She discusses the rushed Russian mobilization and advance. The author describes the reaction by the German command. She writes of the replacement of Prittwitz by Hindenburg and Ludendorff. She relates Hoffman's plan to shift the army to face the Southern Russian army in the face of the pause of the Northern Russian army. She then describes the envelopment and destruction of the Russian 2nd Army and its inglorious retreat. She also notes that despite the Russian failure on the Eastern front, they did cause German forces to be drawn to the Eastern front which helped weaken the German right wing on the Western front.
The Guns of August is a fast paced engaging story that will hook any history lover. However, readers who have not read anything about WWI may feel put off by the ending stopping short and leaving the rest of the war untold. I would recommend a comprehensive history of WWI like John Keegan's The First World War to complement this book.